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Integrating Immigrants into Districts
Preliminary Note:
Without immigration the population of Germany would shrink considerably despite increasing life expectancy and associated population aging. The Immigration Commission appointed by the German federal government prognosticates a fall in the population from the current 82 million to 60 million by the year 2050.(1) If the population were indeed to atrophy to such an extent, this would have far-reaching consequences for the nation's economic development and social security. An influx of foreign nationals will likely fail to completely offset this imbalance; it will, however, reduce the contraction. The federal government estimates a surplus of 200 000 new arrivals a year which would result in a total population of 70 million in 2050.
Glancing at the momentary situation and the discussion surrounding it immigration appears initially to pose a series of difficulties. In certain respects the integration of foreign born inhabitants into German society must be considered a partial failure: fewer and fewer immigrants are being assimilated through the job market.(2) German language proficiency is lacking among more recent settlers as well as among many of those who have been residing in Germany for much longer periods of time. According to the PISA study, secondary school pupils with immigrant backgrounds demonstrate significant educational deficits and learning disabilities.
But the ongoing discussion concerning immigrants and integration goes beyond this. Whenever the public is outraged about conditions and foreigners are blamed it invariably leads to a debate over the demise of "multicultural society". The reasons for these shortcomings are generally sought among newcomers. For many years reference to host society deficiencies was rare. Such self-criticism and discussion of the scarcity of integrative activities appear to be in their infancy and should continue to grow in the coming years. How does a country absorb immigrants? How should it go about imparting its language and local way of life? What is the key to getting immigrants in urban areas more involved in district life?
Starting point
More than 7.3 million foreign citizens live in Germany ; accounting for 9% of the population. Calculating the number of repatriates at around 3 million and the number of naturalized citizens at 2 million and then adding illegal immigrants living in Germany (estimated from 500 000 to over 1.5 million) (3), yields approximately 13 million people with migrant backgrounds, about 16% of the total population. Germany is, though hesitant to acknowledge the fact, an immigrant nation.(4)
Since the German government wooed the first Gastarbeiter in the 1960s, immigrants' motives have changed markedly; these new grounds have engendered a more differentiated groups of settlers. Work placement shaped the face of immigration in Germany for years. When recruitment ceased in 1973 dependents followed and new families were established, changing age demographics. Since the 1960s the share of working age immigrants has sunk drastically. In the meantime this first generation has reached retirement age. A new phase of immigration commenced in 1988 when the number of repatriations of ethnic Germans, asylum seekers and war refugees increased significantly (5). In 1999 the number of immigrants peaked at 800 000 and has since decreased slightly. The nearly two million Turks are the largest immigrant group although they represent a relatively low percentage of current migrants. They were followed by Italians with 600 000 and Serbs/Montenegrins with 500 000.
Germany 's immigrant population is distributed diversely depending upon the Land or city. The majority live in western German metropolises, i.e. Frankfurt am Main and Stuttgart , and in conurbations. In such areas foreigners make up over 30% of the population, sometimes more in individual districts and cities.(6) In Germany's major cities foreigners tend to live in central urban areas in aged housing structures, former working-class districts in abandoned military barracks and polluted neighbourhoods with congested social housing complexes stemming from the 1960s and 1970s. These categories make up the lions share of Socially Integrative City programme districts. Apart from urban planning criteria, socio-economic disadvantages such as unemployment, the ratio of those living on welfare and the share of foreigners in a district play a role in selection.
Integration despite segregation
Socio-spatial differentiation and segregation, that is a clustering of social inequalities, of residents according to origin, ethnicity, social status and lifestyle is a reality in many big cities. Ethnic segregation is a phenomenon common to every immigrant society. Segregation per se is not considered problematic when it arises organically and people with similar lifestyles and of similar milieus reside in a district in large numbers as tenants and homeowners, e.g. artists, students, young families. Yet the general public and media view areas in which significant numbers of immigrants live more and more as barriers to immigration and as manifestations of disintegration. What remains unscrutinized in all of this is whether segregation is voluntary or involuntary. For instance, we have insufficient evidence on whether ethnically homogeneous districts form because immigrants consciously isolate themselves geographically and socially from the majority society and refuse to assimilate, or whether immigrants suffer disadvantages on the job and housing markets, hampering or even preventing them to choose freely between housing locations.
Instead, media continues to fuel the debate about social hotspots and so-called parallel societies. Immigrants and the areas they live in are portrayed in a negative light. The mere existence of many recently-settled ethnicities in an area thus becomes a gauge of social unrest, giving rise to talk of "ghettos". What is ignored here is that these districts are commonly classified as areas with special development needs due to the fact that the majority of residents belong to population sectors with low socio-economic status, Germans as well as immigrants, and that conflicts are more appropriately attributed to social standing and not ethnicity.
In the sociology of immigration and urban sociology (7) a line is drawn between socio-economic and ethnic segregation and the "pros" and "cons" of segregated living are analyzed on a broader scale. Socio-economic segregation of affluent households is almost exclusively voluntary, that of the poor almost exclusively involuntary.(8) Depending upon one's slant, ethnic segregation is ascribed an isolating or security lending factor and with a community-building component; often termed "immigrant colony", "ethnic enclave" or "ethnic community". The positive aspect of ethnically homogeneous districts lies above all in their capacity to gradually ease immigrants' path into German society. Newcomers are able take root in an environment with a familiar lifestyle without knowing the language of the host country. This helps avoid or diffuse conflicts with the host society. These "immigrant colonies" facilitate networks which act as a reassuring social support for immigrants and help stabilize their identities in environs which are otherwise overwhelmingly foreign and in some ways discriminatory. A high proportion of immigrants is often a requirement for the constitution, development and ultimate success of specific, ethnically characterized infrastructure and care facilities which benefit both settlers and natives.
Ethnic segregation can, however, lead to problems when there is a lack of exchange between immigrant groups and those born and bred in the quarter and the areas become socially marginalized and isolated from other city districts. When there are no existing bridges to the majority society segregated districts turn into mobility pitfalls for immigrants who remain mired in the networks and institutions of the ethnic colony and barred from the job market. If spatial and infrastructural deficits materialize alongside the social segregation of (heterogeneous) impoverished groups in disadvantaged districts, imminent cumulative effects may culminate in a self-propagating downwards spiral.
Challenges to socio-spatial integration: Neighbourhood policy takes centre stage
Due to the dwindling absorbent capability of the job market and the widespread exclusion of many immigrants from the educational system, urban environments are gaining more and more significance in fostering integration processes. Whether immigration and cultural diversity can be synergized, or are more likely to lead to conflict is closely bound to socio-spatial conditions. Neighbourhoods and homes, because they furnish a backdrop for everyday life and are often meeting places, continue to grow in their importance as integrative vehicles.(9) This realization is reflected in the federal-Land Socially Integrative City programme and the research project "Zuwanderer in der Stadt" (Immigrants in the City).(10) Both approaches are targeted at socio-spatial integration and emphasize initiatives and activities in specially selected districts. Integration is understood as a cross-sectional task which calls for a holistic, interdepartmental integrations concept on a citywide scale. Set up and implementation involve players from municipal government, activists, leaders and district residents themselves. Programmes should be tailored to the needs of the community.
Integrative activities, such as teaching German, do not suffice. More essential to socio-spatial integration is providing immigrants an equal stake in economic, social, political and cultural life organized in the districts on a grass roots level . The required measures need to cover a range of activities and must relate to the circumstances of each sector of the population. For many years the Socially Integrative City programme has spurred on and supported integration promoting initiatives.(11) Preliminary evaluation of the programme, however, points out that, "Since initiation of the programme, measures covering education, immigrant integration and local economy have not yet, or not yet been able to, play the role designated them in the district development scheme.(12)
The following section will elaborate on the areas of intervention considered particularly pertinent to both Socially Integrative City and Immigrants in the City. Other projects and measures are also presented. (cf. practice database sozialestadt.de and www.zuwanderer-in-der-stadt.de).
Fields of intervention and integration initiatives in districts
Education and language learning on the doorstep
Integrating education is paramount. The absence of language skills, inability to express oneself in the local vernacular and unequal educational opportunities are often insurmountable roadblocks to occupational integration, the linchpin of social integration.
To create equal opportunities for children and adolescents with immigrant backgrounds in education and vocational training, municipal integration policymakers must put major emphasis on supporting schools and educational programmes in general. This field of activity calls for measures such as expansion of neighbourhood secondary educational facilities, preschool language classes, homework tutoring, and school grant programmes; adaptation of schools as further education and community centres, increased vocational training opportunities at schools and language courses for parents.
Many examples are worthy of emulation in other municipalities: language support measures headed by language experts in nursery schools (13) for example, or initiatives like "Mum's learning German" language courses in schools in Frankfurt am Main and Nuremberg, the recreational learning programme "Hippy" in Nuremberg, intercultural language support from the "Day Care – Parents - School" community network in Essen. Exemplary district schools include the Evangelische Gesamtschule Gelsenkirchen and the Bachschule in Neunkirchen , which was expanded to function as a community centre.
Karlschule in Hamm exemplifies intercultural schools. Due to school consolidations and a large proportion of children with immigrant backgrounds pupil conflict and aggression were recurring problems. This led to initiation of an anti-violence programme combining different measures such as counselling for teaching staff and schoolchildren by an advisory team of social educators, an elective called Social Learning, an afternoon bonus programme, establishment of district mobilisation activities, open the school for community groups, project days, practical learning and creation of democratic structures in schools through more intense work with student councils and assemblies. Networking with external partners like the Department of Youth and Family Services and the Regionale Arbeitsstelle zur Förderung ausländischer Kinder und Jugendlicher (Regional Centre for the Educational Couselling of Immigrant Children and Youth, RAA) was initiated to establish contact to foreign parents. A roundtable involving government departments, the public prosecuters office and law enforcement was formed. The annual Day of Nations event gives children the to opportunity to showcase their native cultures encourages mutual understanding. In collaboration with the district office and with political and administrational backing recreational and educational aids were developed, a day nursery was called into being and job finding measures were proffered. Some key activities for pupils include restoring a playground, caring for a fruit garden, clearing out a creek and building and maintaining nesting boxes. Sewing courses for Turkish women are now held on school premises, there is a thespian group for young repatriates, bake sales are held by Sinti women and senior citizens are throwing galas in the gym, etc.
Ethnic economy
New and established entrepreneurs and businessowners with immigrant backgrounds do more than their share to promote social and socio-spatial integration, intern acting as a grounding force in the community, particularly in underdeveloped areas. The immigrant economy's integrative role is felt most on the job market. New and old enterprises allow proprietors, trainees and employees to pursue careers and free them from dependence on welfare. Ethnic shops are contact and information points for new arrivals and often function as bridges: between previous and more recent immigrants and between settlers and Germans (14). The economic potential of immigrant business should be exploited systematically through municipal initiatives that nurture ethnic entrepreneurs and training networks at foreign-run companies.
An example is the Ausbildungsverbund ausländischer Unternehmer (Vocational Cooperative of Foreign Entrepreneurs) in Mannheim , founded in 1996. The Verbund contributes to reducing unemployment among youths with immigrant backgrounds and to expand the career training capabilities of foreign-owned enterprises. The Verbund prompts trainees, mentors them in their curriculum and matters of socialization, counsels companies and provides training qualifications. Approximately 70 businesses belong to the cooperative.
Participating and contributing
Albeit disproportionately present in districts with special development needs, immigrants are only marginally involved in social infrastructure and construction measures. On the one hand this can be traced back to decades of public and political ignorance regarding immigrants, on the other there is often a lack of knowledge of participatory methods and vehicles. Settlers rarely engage in conventional district urban planning projects and club structures.(15) Linguistic and cultural obstacles have a role in the proclivity of foreigners relocating to Germany to retreat into familiar settings, making it hard to induce them to take part in interethnic activities.(16)
Increasing immigrants' social involvement and integrating them in forming districts calls for low-threshold schemes, e.g. establishing centres for social dialogue, supporting independent ethnic organizations, organizing community festivals, cultivating neighbourhood cohesion and mobilizing conflict mediators.
Employing a bicultural neighbourhood manager tends to increase newcomers keenness to get involved, as in Berlin 's Wrangel quarter. The Wrangel manager, a woman of Turkish descent, has devised a procedure tying in biographic backgrounds and living conditions of Turkish community members and getting them active in the district. Her Imece can be broken down into three phases. A mobilizing survey and a neighbourhood meeting were held to become familiar with the wishes and willingness of residents regarding participation. Community members presented their aspirations at a neighbourhood meeting, expressing interest in beautifying public space, assistance in bringing up their children, opportunities to meet, further training and language instruction. This was the start of regular meetings with female immigrants at home in their community. Here residents exchange information and experts brief them on specialized topics. Child care is provided on these occasions. The third phase is intended to fortify involvement and recruit new participants. Parents meetings have been started. Teachers hold brief lectures about raising children and experts are invited to give special talks. The group convenes in a primary school support centre integrated into a primary school. Some of the parents were trained as "multipliers" who pass on what they have learned to other parents or motivate them to join in.
Opening up social services and institutions and government to interculturality
Immigrants still seldom seek welfare institutions, ignoring the many opportunities and activities they have to offer. This is partly because they are middle-class oriented and do not address the living conditions and experiences of the target group and partly because of immigrants reticence in accepting public and state-supported services. To counteract this trend it is necessary to hire staff with immigrant histories and create and expand the intercultural competence of the institutions. This goes for local, state and federal agencies too. A good example of intercultural awareness in public management are the city governments in Essen , Stuttgart and Munich.
Her we point to the pilot project "Opening up Social Services in Moosach to Interculturality", which employs two immigration experts in Munich 's Moosach quarter. Bearers of the project are the InitiativGruppe Interkulturelle Begegnung und Bildung e.V.(Initiative Group for Intercultural Encounters and Education) and the German Caritas Association. It is funded by the City of Munich . The experts work with local institutions to develop ways to incorporate immigrant populations into the district's social infrastructures. A survey of community institutions regarding existing strategies and resources for immigrant work suggested a need for the following: career training measures with intercultural content, nurturing specialist personnel by bolstering the number of foreign-born staff and intercultural competence and strengthening the intercultural commitment of the citizenry. Appropriate training initiatives were implemented in community institutions and the institutions review quality management. Subsequently, orientation courses for Afghan and Turkish women were given along with intercultural training programmes for professionals in Moosbach. In addition to cultural events and involvement in the Stadteilkulturtag (District Culture Day) volunteer interpreters were "courted". In cooperation with the Senior Citizens and Service Centre social counselling was provided in Croatian and a Russian-German roundtable was established in the centre. The project came to an end in Moosach in 2004 to be continued in two other regions of the city.
Perception of Safety in districts
Law and order have a bearing on quality of life, all the more in underdeveloped urban areas. This assessment is confirmed by the survey about fields of activity and measures conducted in the pilot project areas.(17)
When residents feel that their security is jeopardized integration suffers. Diffuse anxieties are generally projected on "foreigners", i.e. people who are conspicuous due to appearance, language and behaviour. Insecurity can often be reduced by simple building measures, for instance better lighting and the elimination of visibility barriers. Personnel initiatives such as assigning caretakers and friendly local constables can also lend a feeling of increased security.
Free space to move
The quality of community life and the tone in districts are heavily dependent on how public spaces in the neighbourhood are arranged. Communal areas are places of encounter and dialogue. This is why they should coax residents to gather, supplementing their often cramped living space. Public spaces accessible to people of differing interests and habits must be made available. Responsibility for them should be placed to the furthest possible extent in the hands of the users.
A free space plan was devised in Lenzsiedlung, a Hamburg-Eimsbüttel subdivision, a large, densely populated housing scheme swarming with children and adolescents from 26 nations. A survey showed that the condition of their immediate surroundings is inhabitants greatest discontent and not, as postulated, the condition of facades and roofs. To alleviate the scarcity of undeveloped space the Bewegungsräume Lenzsiedlung (Space to Move in the Lenzsiedlung) was launched coupled with the integrated district development programme and the Spielraum Stadt (Room to Play in the City) scheme. A project group comprised representatives from sports clubs, the Verein für Kinder, Jugend und Gemeinwesen Lenzsiedlung e.V. (Lenzsiedlung Society for Children, Youth and Community), the SAGA borough housing authority, district development management and a landscape architecture company. In cooperation with residents a free space solution was formulated. During the estate's overhaul a beach volleyball court and playgrounds were created, grass was planted on open spaces, rubbish collection areas were reconfigured and the pavements and cycle paths were expanded. Residents got involved and helped shape their estates appearance by performing neighbourhood inspections, formulating plans for open spaces and producing collages and displays. School project weeks were utilized to incorporate schoolchildren in the initiative.(18)
Cohabitation in the Districts
From a sociological perspective district life encompasses cooperation, coexistence and friction between groups of inhabitants. As a rule all three forms of community interaction exist in districts. In inner-city milieus an element has arisen that thwarts communication and feeds strife, hindering residents' ability to articulate themselves, negatively affecting their self-esteem. The absence of opportunities to connect and interact encourages minor biases and mutual rejection. It is common to observe immigrants and natives coexisting without mingling. Acquaintances between them, as a series of studies has evidenced, remain for the most part casual. Fierce competition for jobs and training positions between Germans and foreign enclaves tends to cloud community life. Social competition and social envy lead to enmity and prejudice. The fact that immigrants never or seldom use the social infrastructures available to them exacerbates this; complete ignorance of their existence is typical. An intercultural across-the-board approach in a cross-section of fields is a benison to whittling away at ethnic disadvantages, impeding exclusion and encouraging integration and involvement.
District intercultural work and networking between foreigners and native players are epitomized in the development of intercultural neighbourhoods and civic competency by the City of Darmstadt's intercultural office in the Kranichstein-Süd district. Potential multipliers from immigrant communities were invited to an initial meeting at which the area's situation and needs were discussed to establish a pool of immigrant aids. For the sessions that followed other employees were sought out and asked to join in. The task force then proceeded to discuss projects that would forge good neighbourly relations. The seven immigrant communities represented in the panel took part in civic projects of different local associations and institutions and have since themselves assumed the status of a citizen's association. It convenes every six weeks and is affiliated with the district workshop. Visiting informational events, community festivals and cultural activities in the district allows immigrants and natives to break the ice and get to know one another. The intercultural office assumed the role of facilitator in the formation of this group of engaged newcomers and expedited the networking of the different local players and committees.
Bilingual informational events held by immigrant associations are offered alongside integration initiatives like "Mum's learning German" in schools with a high proportion of immigrants, and roundtables in nursery and primary schools that give parents the opportunity to inform themselves about topics related to raising and educating children. Interpreting during the events and invitations written in immigrants' native language is handled by the intercultural office. This training is meant to impart a standard repertoire of methods which may be implemented in the appropriate situations to resolve or deescalate conflict.
Conclusion
Due to the ever dwindling role of the once so important job market as an integrative instance social spaces, living environment and district institutions will continue to fill the gap. Activity at the grassroots level, in urban districts and neighbourhood involves immigrants in to project development and the implementation of new measures. Community life revolves around city district measures to intervene. Integration and participation initiatives have to start at ground level. It must be kept in mind that grass roots integration is a cross-sectional task which must be conceived holistically, and interdepartmentally. Facilitating and coordinating neighbourhood networks should be left to district management. This level also carries the mandate to bolster immigrant participation and commitment and to involve immigrant organisations.
Notes
(1) A population of 60 million would mean a the number of able-bodied workers would decline to 26 million, down from 41 million; cf. Bericht der Unabhängigen Kommission „Zuwanderung“, Bonn 2001. 
(2) The unemployment rate among immigrants has continued to increase over the last two decades and is currently at 20%, two times that of Germans.
(3) Elwert, Georg, Unternehmerische Illegale, in: IMIS-Beiträge 19 (2002), p. 7–20, cf. p. 10.
(4) The change of government in 1998 introduced a new era of immigration policy: "Integration is an integral part of our history and will continue to be." The acceptance of immigration culminated in the passing of new citizenship laws (implementation of elements of territorial/birthplace principals) and the Minister of the Interior's establishment of an independent commission on immigration.
(5) On average between 1950 and 1987 approximately 37 000 emigrants came to the FRG. After travel regulations were liberalized in the wake of political upheavals in countries of origin this number grew between 1989 and 1993 to 1.2 million. During virtually the same period, i.e. between 1988 and 1993, 1.4 million asylum seekers from Eastern Europe, the Baltic states and Turkey were recorded; 350 000 war refugees from Bosnia-Herzegovina round out the figures.
(6) The proportion of migrants settled in rural regions in the former West Germany is less than in larger urban centres, yet higher than in the new Länder, where it lies at around 2%.
(7) Cf. E.g. Häußermann, Hartmut/Siebel, Walter, Integration und Segregation – Überlegungen zu einer alten Debatte, in: Deutsche Zeitschrift für Kommunalwissenschaften, Heft 1 (2001), p. 68–79; Siebel, Walter, Segregation und Integration. Voraussetzungen für die Integration von Zuwanderern, in: Schader-Stiftung (ed.), wohn:wandel. Szenarien, Prognosen, Optionen zur Zukunft des Wohnens, Darmstadt 2001, pp. 228–242.
(8) Krummacher Michael, Migranten in der „Sozialen Stadt“ – Probleme, Herausforderungen, Lösungsstrategien, in: Forum Wohneigentum, Bonn 2005, Nr. 1, p. 22–26, see p. 23.
(9) Häußermann, Hartmut/Siebel Walter, Soziale Integration und ethnische Schichtung – Zusammenhänge zwischen räumlicher und sozialer Integration. Survey funded by the independent "Zuwanderung" commission, 2001.
(10) "Zuwanderer in der Stadt" is a joint project sponsored by the Ministry of Education and Research scheme "Bauen und Wohnen im 21. Jahrhundert"(Building and Living in the 21st Century). Partners include the Darmstädter Schader-Stiftung, the Bundesverband deutscher Wohnungsunternehmen, the League of Cities, the German Institute of Urban Affairs, Berlin, and the Institut für Wohnungswesen, Immobilienwirtschaft, Stadt- und Regionalentwicklung, Bochum. Two bodies underpin the project, a panel of experts comprised of practitioners and academics and the so-called Practice Network made up of local and regional players from local governments and housing authorities of Berlin, Essen, Frankfurt am Main, Hamburg, Hannover, Munich und Nuremberg. The expert panel is charged with the task of gathering the latest research and practical observations regarding the socio-spatial integration of immigrants while considering research findings from peripheral disciplines and systemizing them with the goal of identifying those conditions and complexes which nurture or deter the socio-spatial integration of immigrants in Germany. The Practice Network is responsible for applying the expert panel's findings in local districts, tweaking them to fit individual circumstances in a manner that allows municipal and housing authority socio-spatial integration practices of immigrants to make further headway. At the start of 2005 the expert panel presented its findings in a list of recommendations for the socio-spatial integration of immigrants.
(11) See the practice database at sozialestadt.de
(12) Institut für Stadtforschung und Strukturpolitik (IfS), Die Soziale Stadt.Ergebnisse der Zwischenevaluierung, Berlin 2004, p. 193 ff.
(13) Cf. Soziale Stadt Info 15, Sprachförderung im Elementarbereich in Niedersachsen, p. 13 ff.
(14) Schuleri-Hartje Ulla-Kristina/Floeting Holger/Reimann Bettina, Ethnische Ökonomie – Integrationsfaktor und Integrationsmaßstab. Darmstadt/Berlin 2005.
(15) Institut für Landes- und Stadtentwicklungsforschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen (ILS) (ed.), Integration von Migrantinnen und Migranten im Wohnbereich, Dortmund 2001, p. 72.
(16) Institut für Landes- und Stadtentwicklungsforschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen (ILS) (ed.), Analyse des integrierten Handlungsprogramms für Stadtteile mit besonderem Entwicklungsbedarf. Dortmund 2000, p. 47 ff.
(17) German Institute of Urban Affairs, Strategien für die Soziale Stadt (Socially Integrative City Strategies). Erfahrungen und Perspektiven – Umsetzung des Bund-Länder-Programms "Stadtteile mit besonderem Entwicklungsbedarf – die soziale Stadt", p. 100 ff
(18) Cf. Preis Soziale Stadt 2004. Dokumentation. Endbericht, Berlin 2004, p. 14
Dr. rer. soc. Bettina Reimann,
Dipl.-Volksw. Ulla Schuleri-Hartje, German Institute of Urban Affairs
Source: Soziale Stadt - info 17, Der Newsletter zum Bund-Länder-Programm Soziale Stadt, Deutsches Institut für Urbanistik (Difu), Berlin, 2005
Im Auftrag des BMVBS vertreten durch das BBR. Zuletzt geändert am 22.03.2007